15/16-Year-Old Students’ Reasons for Choosing and Not Choosing Physics at a Level | SpringerLink

We begin with an overview of the background characteristics of those who chose physics A level (Science + P students), comparing them with the other group of primary interest to our research question, i.e. Science − P students (those who intend to study biology and chemistry at A level, but not physics), in order to situate and provide context for the findings. We then move on to compare these groups in terms of their reasons for their A level choices and their aspirations, drawing primarily on survey data but illustrated by interview excerpts. Finally, we focus more closely on the interviews in order to explore differences between these groups in terms of their perceptions of physics, paying particular attention to the possible role of the cultural arbitrary of physics in these students’ subject choices.

Who Chooses Physics (and Chemistry and Biology)?

In the survey, students were asked to select which subjects they intended to take at A level. Of the 9206 students who reported intending to pursue A level study at 16, 42.1% were male and 57.9% were female. However, among Science + P students (those intending to study A level physics, N = 2143), 64.7% were male and 35.3% were female. Put differently, 35.8% of boys were planning to study physics at A level but only 14.2% of girls were planning to do so, a highly significant difference (χ2 (1) = 588.083, p < .0001). In contrast, the gender balance in the Science − P group (choosing both biology and chemistry but not physics, N = 1264) was weighted in favour of females: 73.1% of this group were female but only 26.9% were male. In other words, 17.3% of girls but only 8.8% of boys planned to study biology and chemistry (but not physics) at A level, another highly significant difference (χ2 (1) = 138.381, p < .0001).

Other than this gender imbalance, the backgrounds of students in the Science − P and Science + P groups were quite similar.Footnote 5 For instance, in terms of ethnicity, higher proportions of Asian (28.5%) and Middle Eastern (26.5%) students report intending to study physics A levels, compared with students of Black (21.9%) or White (21.8%) ethnic backgrounds. Similar patterns were found in the Science − P group, where greater proportions of Asian (26.4%) students, compared with White (11.5%) students, opted to study these A levels (biology and chemistry).Footnote 6 With regard to cultural capital, as students’ cultural capital increases, so do their intentions to pursue physics: 28.3% of students with very high levels of cultural capital plan to study A level physics, whilst only 16.1% of students with low levels of cultural capital do. Likewise, 17.8% of students with very high cultural capital fall into the Science − P choosers group, whilst only 10.2% of students with low cultural capital do.

Overall, compared with the rest of the survey sample (and compared with all students intending to pursue A levels) students choosing physics A level would seem to be more likely to be male, Asian (or Middle Eastern) and have higher levels of cultural capital. They were also likely to report being in the top set (or attainment group) for science and have family members working in science. However, the differences in the background characteristics between Science + P and Science − P students are less pronounced, with the clear exception of gender. The reversal in terms of gender distribution between these groups is in alignment with national and international patterns of those studying physics and pursuing careers in the physical sciences.

A relatively similar pattern appeared among our qualitative sample. Of the 24 students who we focus on in this analysis (because they have chosen physics for A level, or biology and chemistry but not physics), 13 are Science + P and 11 are Science − P students. Overall, there were nine boys and 15 girls, but whilst gender was quite balanced in the Science + P group (six boys and seven girls), the Science − P group contained three boys and eight girls. These two groups were quite comparable in terms of attainment, ethnicity and social class backgrounds. Caution is warranted in drawing any generalisations from such a small sample but we find it interesting that the greater proportion of girls in the Science − P group does parallel our quantitative sample.

Reasons for A Level Choices: Utility, Enjoyment and Attainment

In both the survey and the interviews, students were asked about their reasons for their A level choices. On the survey, this was a closed-ended question, asking students to select their most important reasons for their choices. Across all students (including Science + P and Science − P students), the most popular reason selected was ‘how useful the subject is for my future job or career’. The proportions selecting this as their most important reason were 44.1% of Science + P and 52.7% of Science − P students (44.7% all students intending to pursue A level study). The second most popular reason was enjoyment of the subject, with 19.9% of Science + P choosers and 15.1% of Science − P choosers (19.5% overall) providing this as their most important reason for their choices. Across both groups (and overall), ‘to help me get into university’ was the third most popular justification. Far fewer students reported subject attainment (how well they do), helping to keep options open, how well subjects go together or teachers as a reason for their A level choices.

Although their top three justifications are the same for both groups, the proportion of students selecting how useful the subject is for their future as their primary reason differs significantly between the Science + P and Science − P students (χ2 (1) = 23.294, p < .001). Similarly, the proportion of students selecting enjoyment as their primary justification for subject choice differs significantly between these two groups (χ2 (1) = 12.411, p < .001). That is, Science + P students were more likely to report enjoyment and less likely to report usefulness as their primary justification for A level choice, compared with Science − P students (although, overall, both groups’ most frequent justification was that of usefulness).

Similar patterns emerged from the interview data. Most students justified their A level plans in terms of their intended paths (related to job/career or to university), enjoyment of/interest in the subject, or both. This pattern held for Science + P and Science − P students alike.

Maths and physics I just chose them cos I enjoy those subjects… Because most sort of degrees or whatever just require maths and physics. (Bob, White upper middle class boy, Science + P)

I like biology as a subject, and I think to do something with medicine, I do need chemistry as well. And having said like about maths and physics but the main two they look for is biology and chemistry … I’m not really that big of a fan of physics. (Rebecca, White middle class girl, Science − P)

Although attainment was rarely selected as a reason for A level choices on the survey, the interviews painted a more complex picture, with students also justifying their choices by referring to their achievement or aptitude in the subject, which they often also linked to enjoyment. That is, they talked about subjects they enjoyed and did well in.

It was kind of just like a mixture of that’s what I enjoy and that’s what I’m good at. I mean certainly for the three sciences it’s kind of like well I enjoy all three, I’m kind of equally good at all three. (Davina, White upper middle class girl, Science + P)

Physics as Necessary/Not Necessary for Future Aspirations

Our interview and survey data alike reflect that aspirations (or perceived subject usefulness for them) are a key driver of subject choice. However, it would seem that general usefulness for ‘many jobs’ is not sufficient—it is perceived usefulness for and link to a desired future career that is key for many. Additionally, although Science + P students interviewed often mentioned enjoyment and interest as influencing their choices, it is noteworthy that 12 of the 13 expressed aspirations that were linked to this choice, with eight having either engineering or physics itself (cosmologist, astrophysicist) as an aspiration. Only one had aspirations (music producer or psychologist) that did not seem somehow related to physics and indeed, she dropped physics after the first year of post-compulsory study.

A different picture is painted by the aspirations of Science − P students. Although all 11 interviewed aspired to careers in medicine or another science (e.g. pharmaceutical research, forensic science, sports science), for these students, physics—whilst perhaps facilitating—is not required (or perceived to be required) for the paths they which to pursue. For instance, Joanne (White, middle class), an extremely high-attaining student, has always enjoyed and excelled in science and intends to pursue pharmaceutical research. However, physics is not necessary to gain admission onto the university courses in which she is most interested—including the prestigious Natural Sciences degree at Cambridge. Likewise, other students also articulated the way in which physics is not needed for careers such as medicine or forensic science.

Physics isn’t actually quite needed for forensic (science)… but chemistry, biology and English is needed. (Vanessa, Black working class girl, Science − P)

So like to go down like that medicine route you sort of need the maths, biology, chemistry… (Colin, Asian lower middle class boy, Science − P)

Thus, it would seem that—with a few exceptions—a determining factor in whether students choose physics is its perceived direct link to, and necessity for, a desired career, particularly (though not exclusively) in engineering. Additional survey data around aspirations is also consistent with this: 56.3% of Science + P students agreed or strongly agreed that they would be interested in working in engineering, in contrast with only 22.2% of Science − P students. Moreover, on a composite variable reflecting aspirations in engineering (scale of 2–10), Science + P students had significantly higher scores (M = 6.72, SD = 2.12), compared with Science − P students, (M = 5.026, SD = 1.95), t(2813.339) = 23.595, p < .001, Cohen’s d = 0.83. However, Science − P students had higher scores on a composite variable capturing ‘aspirations in science and medicine’ (M = 24.265, SD = 3.668) than Science + P students (M = 22.03, SD = 4.88), t(3195.211) = 15.069, p < .001, Cohen’s d = 0.52. Consistent with this, 86% of Science − P students expressed an interest in being a doctor/working in medicine and 86.2% agreed they would like to work in science. In contrast, 44.2% of Science + P students were interested in working in medicine and 70.4% agreed they would like to work in science.

That Science + P students are likely to aspire to different kinds of careers is also reflected in that 24.4% claimed that ‘creating things’ was a very important reason for choosing a particular kind of work (compared with 15.1% of Science − P students). Likewise, only 40.4% of Science + P students felt that ‘to help other people’ was very important, in contrast with 61.4% of Science − P students. Overall, then, it would appear in many or most cases, Science + P students hold different aspirations from Science − P and it is the usefulness—or necessity—of physics for these desired future paths that is a driving factor motivating the decision to pursue the subject once it is no longer compulsory. Put differently, Science + P students appear to find the subject to be highly personally relevant, rather than simply valuable or useful in a broad sense.

Perceptions of Physics: the Cultural Arbitrary at Work

Whilst most students make their A level choices for more than a single reason, one of the key drivers of subject choice is clearly the perceived relationship between a subject and students’ future plans. At the same time, whether physics is perceived as relevant to future plans seems potentially influenced by how it is constructed, leading to the question of whether there are fundamental differences in how physics choosers, compared with Science − P students, construct the subject. Previous research suggests that physics is often perceived as abstract and disproportionately difficult, compared with other sciences (Kessels et al., 2006; Krogh & Thomsen, 2005; Murphy & Whitelegg, 2006; Oon & Subramaniam, 2013). Consequently, we explored our data for insight as to whether such perceptions were shared equally by Science + P and Science − P students. In doing so, we were particularly interested in whether these perceptions were aligned with the cultural arbitrary of physics as a ‘hard’ subject. (Note that as there are relatively few survey questions related to perceptions of physics, the analyses in this section rely almost exclusively on interview data.)

As we detail below, it appears that on the whole, Science + P and Science − P students do not have markedly different images of physics as a subject. Whist Science − P students do perceive it as abstract (‘the abstractness of physics’; ‘things you can’t experience or see’), such abstractness is actually part of the appeal for some physics choosers:

With theoretical physics you can go like really complicated and just, like, you know, mind-blowing. (Davina, White upper middle class girl, Science + P)

Science + P and Science − P students alike are also well aware of the connection between maths and physics:

Physics is basically maths. (Bob, White upper middle class boy, Science + P)

I think it’s because it’s probably quite mathematical… so they [maths and physics] sort of go hand in hand (Football Master, White working class boy, Science − P)

In the case of students choosing physics A level, these characteristics do not seem to be problematic and they may even add to the appeal of the subject, whereas for some (though not all) Science − P students, they contribute to a lack of enjoyment:

The abstractness of physics—you’ve got to have a mind that can get around that and can understand those concepts, because most of it’s based on concepts that you need to understand in the first place. (Joanne, White middle class girl, Science − P)

Additionally, the emphasis of physics on maths does not seem to be problematic in and of itself. Indeed, all but one of the Science − P students interviewed were also taking mathematics at A level. However, in the survey data, 75.8% of Science + P students agreed that maths is one of their best subjects, whilst this was the case for only 22.3% of Science − P students and whilst 64.2% of + P students feel they learn interesting things in maths lessons, only 54.2% of − P students do. One possibility is that whilst Science − P students may be ‘all right’ with maths, or are willing to choose it if they perceive it as sufficiently aligned with their goals, the maths incorporated into physics may be a step ‘too far’, contributing to their decision not to pursue physics.

What is also pervasive in the data is the cultural arbitrary of physics as a ‘hard’ subject. Indeed, although only 22.3% of Science + P students described physics as the area of science they found most difficult (in contrast with 73.3% of Science − P students), both groups of students were well aware of the reputation physics has as being a difficult subject:

Physics has always been seen as this intelligent and really hard… (Mienie, South Asian middle class girl, Science + P)

Loads of people have said to me compared to other subjects physics is really hard. (Kate, White upper middle class girl, Science − P)

Moreover, comments from some A level physics students even reflect a certain relish for the challenge of the subject. For instance, Tom4 (South Asian middle class boy) explained why he enjoyed physics by referring to its complexity: ‘We were learning a lot more complex stuff and it was really nice to learn that’.

In contrast, the image of physics as a difficult subject seems to be more problematic for Science − P students, even though at times they struggled to articulate just why it was that they experienced it as difficult:

I really don’t… um, I think it’s the concepts are quite hard to grasp, all the, er, so I don’t know, because in chemistry it’s… then again chemistry is quite factual and so is physics, so I can’t even say that, so I really don’t know. I think I’ve just found it off putting. I don’t know. (Isabel, South Asian upper middle class girl, Science − P)

There’s just something about it that I don’t really understand. I can’t put my finger on it, though. (Football Master, White working class boy, Science − P)

This trouble in articulating what it is about physics that is difficult is emblematic of the cultural arbitrary, as something that is ‘hard to put your finger on’, due to it being socialised to be seen and accepted as ‘just how things are’. Moreover, the image of physics as a hard subject—particularly relative to other sciences—does seem to influence the decision not to choose it at A level:

Physics is just physics, like no one really likes physics. … Most people they just, they always seem to regret doing physics. Like I know of some year 13s who just don’t… they’re like ‘Oh don’t take physics, don’t do it, it’s just too much work and it’s hard’. And then… yeah, physics is just the one thing you never hear good news from. So I think it’s just passed on, like some type of rumour, and now everyone doesn’t want to do physics. (Vanessa, Black working class girl, Science − P)

Vanessa’s comment above delineates the way in which perceptions (or the reputation) of physics can diffuse throughout a group of students, thus perpetuating the cultural arbitrary. For the most part, though, it seems that for the students choosing physics A level, a combination of interest in/enjoyment of the subject (including the appeal of the ‘challenge’ of it) as well as—for many—its link with aspirations means that they ‘get on’ well with the cultural arbitrary of physics. In contrast, for many of the Science − P students like Vanessa and her peers, this cultural arbitrary would seem to contribute to a sense of physics being ‘not for them’ and somehow ‘other’ and needing a ‘certain kind of brain’, as manifested in their struggles to articulate just what it is about physics that makes it difficult. They seem to be dissuaded by such characteristics, even when they are aware of the strategic value of the subject:

I feel like physics would be … it would be the most useful cos there’s not many people who pursue physics in college due to like the ongoing opinion that it’s really hard, really like no one understands it. And I feel like if you did really like physics, then it would really get you somewhere… (Demi, White middle class girl, Science − P)

In this respect, we might argue that the data suggest that although these students appear to understand why/how physics is a high status and useful subject, these perceptions do not overcome their socialised dispositions and internalisation of the cultural arbitrary, through which they ‘know’ that they are, in the words of one student, ‘not suited’ to the subject or that physics is ‘not for me’.